Pax Americana Alert
October 26, 2002

this page is at http://site.www.umb.edu/faculty/salzman_g/Strate/Discus/2002-10-26PaxAmericana.htm

by Steve Fine    <neighborsteve2002@yahoo.com>

Introduction
      I would like to bring to your attention a theory that is beginning to surface in the mainstream press and on the Internet. Based on my reading of the source material, I have concluded there is something to it, so what follows is a partisan report.

      If you feel the same way, then please forward this to as many people as you can.

Enforcing the American peace
      An underlying policy in defense and foreign affairs runs parallel to the War on Terrorism, which it preceded. If the White House and Pentagon have their way, it shall continue to operate in tandem with the War on Terrorism for years to come. This strategy calls for a major expansion of US military power around the globe to secure the peace . . . for "America". Its goals are to eliminate current regional rivals, such as Iraq, Iran and North Korea, and to discourage the rise of new ones, even among our friends, thereby protecting our vital interests and security via a worldwide network of American protectorates. In the long run, American preeminence as the sole superpower is to be extended as far into the new century as possible.

      Not surprisingly, this ambitious strategy for military domination and control of the planet, which is what it is after you strip away all the dross, is called "Pax Americana", with all that that name implies. (Dare we say it? Empire.) Ironically, it is the proponents of the policy that named it that. Their report resides on the web site of a conservative think tank called The Project for the New American Century. Released in September 2000, a year before the 9/11 attacks, the report is entitled, "Rebuilding America's Defenses: Strategies, Forces and Resources for a New Century". (Let's call it the "PNAC report" for short.) Project Co-Chairman: Donald Kagan and Gary Schmitt. Principal Author: Thomas Donnelly.

It's not a secret, just not talked about
      Since the report is publicly available (as of this writing) you can read it for yourself and make up your own mind. Below, I have provided a list of PNAC policy recommendations that Bush has put into practice. Make your own list. Ferret out nuggets that have so far passed without mention. (Psssst! Can you find the "Pearl Harbor" references? There are two of them. The first should give you pause, and a chill. It is not in the form of a specific recommendation for a new Pearl Harbor to sell Pax Americana, rather just a bit of wishful thinking, perhaps, along those lines on the part of the report's authors. You'll find it in a section that touches briefly on budgetary and congressional restraints anticipated back in 2000, which they feared would be mitigating factors against the speedy implementation of their proposals.)

The core ideas are not all that new either
      The core ideas of the policy have antecedents going back ten years, with some of the same people involved. Specifically, it pays homage to an earlier defense planning document that was prepared by Paul Wolfowitz and I. Lewis Libby for Dick Cheney when he was Defense Secretary under Bush, the First, in '92. Cooler heads rebuked that report at the time, such as Brent Scowcroft, so even Cheney distanced himself from it. (For more, see the "Deep Background" section at the end of this article.) And now the rhetoric and underlying philosophy of the PNAC report has metastasized to the White House National Security Strategy report (NSS), released September 20, 2002. The NSS almost reads as if the same people drafted it. (Maybe they did.)

      A September 29th, 2002 op-ed piece by Jay Bookman in the Atlanta Journal-Constitution has this to say about that odd similarity:

"In essence, [the White House National Security Strategy] lays out a plan for permanent U.S. military and economic domination of every region on the globe, unfettered by international treaty or concern. And to make that plan a reality, it envisions a stark expansion of our global military presence. [. . .] The report's repeated references to terrorism are misleading, however, because the approach of the new National Security Strategy was clearly not inspired by the events of Sept. 11. They can be found in much the same language in a report issued in September 2000 by the Project for the New American Century, a group of conservative interventionists outraged by the thought that the United States might be forfeiting its chance at a global empire."

Report contributors in high places
      Bookman identifies six contributors to the report (out of a total of 27) who now have key defense and policy positions in the Bush administration. They are:

··     Paul Wolfowitz, Deputy Defense Secretary, second to Donald Rumsfeld at the
             Pentagon.
··     John Bolton, Undersecretary of State for arms controland international security.
··     Eliot Cohen, member of Rumsfeld's Defense Policy Board.
··     I. Lewis (Scooter) Libby, VP Dick Cheney's Chief of Staff.
··     Dov Zakheim, undersecretary of defense (comptroller) and chief financial officer
             for the Pentagon.
··     Stephen Cambone, heads the Office of Program, Analysis and Evaluation at the
             Defense Department.

A listing of PNAC Report recommendations the Bush administration
has implemented or that are reflected in current strategies:

·· Withdraw from Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, which frustrates "the development of useful ballistic missile defenses" in order to revive the Reagan era Star Wars program.

      Policy adopted pre 9/11, now a DONE DEAL.

      Funding for ballistic missile defenseR&D is included in the new 355 billion dollars defense budget.

      A missile defense shield has offensive as well as defensive capabilities, simply by being up there. As the report let slip:

      ". . . effective ballistic missile defenses will be the central element in the exercise of American power and the projection of U.S. military forces abroad."

·· Development of small tactical nuclear warheads—bunker busters.

      A work in progress.

      First public mention by the administration was during the Afghanistan War as a desirable new weapon to add to the arsenal for blowing terrorists out of their caves. Supposedly we already have high tech bombs designed to do that without removing the mountain as well, but . . . always room for improvement.

·· End the moratorium on nuclear testing. "If the United States is to have a nuclear deterrent that is both effective and safe, it will need to test."

      Coming soon to a desert near you, or Pacific atoll.

·· Funding for Pax Americana. Increase defense spending from 3 percent of gross domestic product to 3.5 to 3.8 percent. DONE! The new defense budget of 355 billion is in that range.

      This was proposed to reverse the period of "Defense Neglect" in the ‘90s. (Clinton's greatest sin.) The PNAC report was written during the 2000 campaign, remember, so a big chunk of it is devoted to detailing how all four branches of the military are ill-prepared to effectively carry out their current and future missions. Years of increased funding were anticipated to correct the damage. Candidate Bush made an issue of this in the 2000 debates with Gore to counter the booming (bubbling, actually) economy (pop!). Curiously enough, as soon as Bush became President we suddenly had the best darn military in the world. And now, just eighteen months since his inauguration that same military is ready to move beyond Afghanistan to Iraq and damn well take on the whole world.

·· Cancellation of outmoded military programs, such as the Crusader Howitzer, to free up funds for "transformation . . . to exploit the revolution in military affairs."

      That means an expanded and high-tech reliant military, starting with and relying most heavily on missile defense, but there's more to it than that. Go to the section on "transformation". Defense Secretary Rumsfeld made the cancellation of the Crusader almost a personal mission. And now it is a DONE DEAL. The new defense budget shifts millions from that project to unspecified other purposes.

·· Constabulary Missions. The U.S. can't rely on UN peacekeeping operations, which the report's authors deem a failure, so we will just have to fess up to our global responsibilities and become the policemen of the world.

      The report says, ". . . facing up to the realities of multiple constabulary missions will require a permanent allocation of U.S. armed forces." And: "the preponderance of American power is so great and its global interests so wide that it cannot pretend to be indifferent to the political outcome in the Balkans, the Persian Gulf or even when it deploys forces in Africa. . . . Further, these constabulary missions are far more complex and likely to generate violence than traditional "peacekeeping" missions."

Operational in Afghanistan, planned for Iraq

·· Expansion of military bases into the Middle East, Central Asia, East Asia and Southeast Asia. (Shifting military resources from East Europe.)

      With a major assist from Al Aqaeda, plans got off the drawing board after 9/11. Permanent new bases are now in Afghanistan and surrounding countries to the north and east and forward bases are radiating out from there.

      According to an October 21, 2002 article in The Nation magazine (http://www.thenation.com/), called "Operation Endless Deployment", by William D. Hartung, Frida Berrigan & Michelle Ciarrocca: "the preparations for "Gulf War II" are also part of a larger plan to promote the most significant expansion of US global military presence since the end of the cold war." The difference, they say, is "the new global buildup [is] an elaboration of a new, more flexible infrastructure for intervening in—or initiating—"hot wars" from the Middle East to the Caucasus to East Asia." They go on to list in detail 19 countries where the US military has in one way or another set up shop. Which brings us to one of the PNAC report's core policy recommendations:

·· "Fight and decisively win multiple, simultaneous major theater wars."

      This is similar to a long-standing Pentagon policy goal, but these guys really want to do it, and so, it appears, does our President.

·· Why stop there? The PNAC report advocates the Pentagon take "control of the new "international commons" of space and cyberspace." This falls under the "core mission" of military transformation, the Revolution in Military Affairs mentioned above.

      A work in progress

      No, I'm not forgetting the "Axis of Evil". Here it comes:

Regional rivals are not to be tolerated under the new Pax Americana
      The cost and risks involved in their elimination is the price we must pay to preserve American global preeminence. Otherwise, if allowed to go unmolested, such regimes will surely "undermine American leadership".

      Top of the list are, you guessed it, Iraq, Iran and North Korea—yes, in that order, too, and mentioned here long before they were re-packaged as the "Axis of Evil" by Bush in his January 2002 State of the Union address. (That was the tip off that more than a war against terrorists was on the administration's mind. A bait and switch was pulled on the American public that night by expanding the definition of terrorists to include selected "rogue" states, thereby shifting the focus from Afghanistan, where Mullah Omar and Osama Bin Ladin had eluded our grasp, to countries on an old hit list that did not attack us on 9/11 and did not have significant ties to Al Qaeda either. (Unlike the Saudis.) What they do have in common is all three walked away from past battles with the US still in one piece. What a provocation!

      Also mentioned in the report are Syria, Libya and Pakistan. (There are bigger fish to fry, though. China, for instance. But that is a long-term goal. Still, Bush made sure to chill US/Chinese relations right after taking office by turning a relatively minor flap over a downed US spy plane into a major confrontation, directly challenging the Chinese leadership rather than allowing lower echelon diplomats to resolve the issue quietly.)

      Iraq pops up so many times in the PNAC report it borders on obsession. Pages 4, 8, 9, 11, 14, 15, 51- 52, 54, 73 – 75. As for Iran, on page 17, they state: "Iran may prove as much a threat as Iraq." And the phrase "regime change" appears on page 25. Which indicates that idea has been floating around Washington for quite some time.

      Beyond Iraq and Iran, the goal is an expansion of American influence in the entire region of the Middle East. I quote:

". . . The United States has for decades sought to play a more permanent role in Gulf regional security. While the unresolved conflict with Iraq provides the immediate justification, the need for a substantial American force presence in the Gulf transcends the issue of the regime of Saddam Hussein."

Don't take my word for any of this. Read the document!
      It is a window on the sublime. If you dare not peek, then you'll be forever scratching your head, trying to fathom what the Bush Team is really up to.

      At some point in your reading, you should GET their underlying worldview and when you do so many things the administration says and does that appear puzzling will suddenly make sense, that is, from their perspective.

      Jay Bookman at the Atlanta Journal-Constitution got it. For instance, it dawned on him why very little was being said by the administration about post-invasion plans for Iraq. In his article he concludes, "Because we won't be leaving." At the time, this was not obvious to the general public. It is now, ever since it was leaked to the NY Times that the Pentagon is planning a military occupation government for Iraq. If you had read your PNAC primer about "constabulary missions" that would not have been a surprise announcement.

      Regarding Iraq, the most compelling reason for going to war goes beyond questions of weapons of mass destruction. Of course, that's the cover story. But it also goes beyond oil. Huh? As mentioned above, it is about:

Bases! Bases! Bases! and more Bases!
      Oil is the vital resource, yes, and a terrific reason for invading Iraq, but military expansion moves just as surely to regions where oil is not part of the equation; therefore the resource is the relative factor while the military policy of expanding bases worldwide remains the constant.

      For example, even though North Korea represents a different regional conundrum, the policy calls for the assertion of America's preeminence in that region of the world as well. (See above, shifting of bases and other military resources to East Asia and Southeast Asia.) Therefore, the real policy behind the coming war against Iraq is oil AND bases, because in the Middle East the two go hand in hand.

      Not enough is being said about that other hand, though.

      It's the bases, stupid!

      That is the name of the game. No, it does not say that in so many words in the PNAC report with regard to Iraq, or in the White House National Security Strategy report. But that is the logic of the policy for expanding American influence (hegemony by any other name) in the Middle East and beyond.

      Look at the map. With Iraq transformed into the new command and control center for US military operations in the region, Iran is chopped liver, sandwiched between Iraq and Afghanistan. Ditto for Syria between Israel and a U.S. controlled Iraq. Begin to get the picture?

      Regime change meets the domino theory.

      So, why does the administration say very little about preserving regional stability if the US invades Iraq?

      Because they intend to transform the entire region, turn it into an American Protectorate, so the status quo can take care of itself.

Endless war starts here
      Ladies and Gentlemen, if they can grab real estate the size of France in the Middle East, one of the most lucrative but unstable regions of the planet, and then preserve that HUGE alteration in the balance of power through military intimidation and a lot of fast-talking shuttle diplomacy and by cutting oil deals right and left, then, surely, they will be emboldened to replicate that success elsewhere. The Pax Americana juggernaut will be off and running. Each regional dust-up will be unique, but the policy will be the same.

      To get started, though, they have to move fast against Iraq, since the War on Terrorism is the only sales tool they've got to justify the venture to the wary and uncertain American people. That is why they decided to go for broke during Bush's first term. Otherwise, absent another major terrorist attack, which galvanizes public support for another retaliatory strike, the opportunity to launch a war of this magnitude may slip away. And with it an opportunity to establish the precedent for launching preemptive wars, the privilege of empire, not just in the Middle East, but around the globe. So the stakes are HUGE and the time left to head this policy off at the pass RUNNING OUT. The growing peace movement is our best hope at home to stop this thing. Don't underestimate our influence!

The North Korea wrinkle—but a bump in the Pax Americana road
      Abroad pressure from the international community and the UN may have factored lately into the administration's renewed interest in at least appearing to be more diplomatic about resolving the Iraq situation. But, in truth, I think the only foreign entity able to knock some sense into Bush's head has been, God help us, the Supreme Leader of North Korea. Kim Jong II preferred not to wait passively on the sidelines for his turn to be targeted for regime change. Instead he signaled that two could play this game by admitting to a secret nuclear weapons development program, "and more". That got George's attention. So perhaps the timing for the launch of "Persian Gulf II" has been at least delayed, since even our own Supreme Leader understands (I hope!) the Pentagon would be hard pressed to fight Al Qaeda, Iraq and North Korea simultaneously.

Influence peddling among the cognoscenti
      Is the 2000 PNAC report a "blueprint"?

      The authors of the report certainly expected it would be. In the introduction it says, "We hope that the Project's report will be useful as a roadmap for the nation's immediate and future defense plans." In that light we may safely assume it was sent to many key planners and decision-makers inside and outside of the government that share the faith. Ah, but now that it is being called a blueprint for Pax Americana in a critical sense by independent journalists and even op-ed writers at mainstream publications and the general public is beginning to catch on, the project co-chairman, Donald Kagan, is distancing himself—and everyone else listed as a contributor—from his own report! In a refutation letter to Jay Bookman's piece in the Atlanta Journal-Constitution, he claims the report had no influence whatsoever on the administration before 9/11 and only now are some of its recommendations apparently being implemented. In effect, he is loudly claiming utter failure for his organization. He also disputes that Pax American has anything to do with "empire".

      Well . . . you could almost believe that IF you didn't read the man's own report. Bookman did a follow up article in reply to Kagan. He points out that Kagan himself advocated a Pax Americana style empire in the Roman mode in an interview he did with George Will. Beyond that, read no further into the PNAC report than the introduction and you will see that it is clearly talking about promoting America as the sole superpower by MILITARY means. As for the report having no influence, Bookman found that suspect. I agree. The report has far too many recommendations that are now policy for it to be merely coincidental. And in the final analysis ALL these guys are in the same club anyway. They may disagree over the details, but they ALL share the same basic vision: America's dominance as the sole superpower must be expanded militarily in order to secure and maintain unrivaled global power in defense of our national interests...as defined by them.

What can be done?
      History works in strange ways. Best-laid plans do come undone. The only question is will thousands, perhaps millions, have to die in the process of "America" discovering its limits? Or will sanity prevail? For starters, can we avoid the looming disaster by peaceably settling our differences with Iraq?

      Of course we can, if our elected (and appointed) representatives cared to listen to us. The American people are ambivalent, at best, about this war. They need to know the larger story. They need to know that it even goes beyond oil. With reference to the people behind the PNAC report and in key positions of power in the government, Jay Bookman has this to say in his article:

      "They envision the creation of what they call a worldwide 'Pax Americana,' or American peace. But so far, the American people have not appreciated the true extent of that ambition."

      The White House, Pentagon, and media have kept it out of the national conversation, cloaked under the War on Terrorism. It needs to be moved front and center.

      Inform people that the War on Terrorism is being used as a cover for a naked power grab in the Middle East. It is a war of acquisition to secure and expand US influence in the region by military means and, from there, launch operations into other regions.

      How's that for a conversation opener?

      You don't even have to mention the PNAC report. Just say, "It's the bases, stupid!" and the conversation should flow from there.

      I'm partial to the report, though, because it captures the mindset and policy goals of the people in power so perfectly.

The peace alternative
      Demand our government focus on the real War on Terrorism . Two suggestions:

1)       Demand money and resources be shifted from the Pentagon's wars to an expanded global criminal investigation, using special forces where needed, but the emphasis must be on a coordinated international effort among US and foreign intelligence agencies and local police to hunt down the real terrorists.

      Where is the emphasis from the Bush administration? On a military sledgehammer approach. Invasions to crush stationary sovereign objects in revenge for unrelated terrorist attacks. Going after regimes "that hate us". Emotionally appealing stuff maybe to a certain segment of the American public. But not a real smart way to root out and bring to justice individual members of shadowy, de-centralized, transnational organizations composed of criminal religious fanatics that are, according to George Tenet, the head of the CIA, re-organized and ready to strike anew and at their pleasure.

2)       Try LISTENING for a change. To other peoples, governments, friends and foes alike. Turn off the bellicose rhetoric; it is counterproductive. That alone will go a long way toward defusing tensions and might even open the door to more cooperation and assistance from around the world in the war on terrorism.

Conclusion
      In the future a new Daniel Elsberg may come along to leak secret White House directives about implementing a Pax American style policy under cover of the War on Terrorism. That day, if it ever comes, will be too late. We can't wait for evidence after-the-fact. Absent a whistle blower from within the CIA or Pentagon or some other government agency, the PNAC report is the closest thing we have to the Pentagon Papers, in that it sheds light on the underlying policy goals of this administrations. And of the administrations to come, if Bush gets the ball rolling. There will be no turning back once he does.

      Let's spread the word and try to stop it NOW.


Sources and more information

      For the PNAC web site, go to http://www.newamericancentury.org/.

      I recommend you first click on the PNAC's "Statement of Principles" link found at the very top of the home page. Written in '97, this is interesting for three reasons:

      First, look at the list of supporters . Some of the names are the same as those listed as contributors to the 2000 PNAC report, such as Wolfowitz and Libby, but there are others listed who are just as prominent. A sampling: Elliott Abrams, William J. Bennett, Jeb Bush, Dick Cheney, Fred C. Ikle, Norman Podhoretz, Dan Quayle and Donald Rumsfeld.

      Second, this statement appears almost benevolent. But the seeds are there for what blossomed in all its malignant glory into the September 2000 report. (Not to complicate matters, but those seeds actually come from the earlier defense-planning document prepared by Wolfowitz and Libby for Cheney back in ‘92. To learn all about that, including Powell's involvement, pick up the October 2002 issue of Harpers Magazine, or go to the Harpers web site, http://www.harpers.org/. Read "Dick Cheney's Song of America" by David Armstrong.

      Third, like the PNAC report, the style and ideas expressed in the principles statement is very similar to the White House National Security Strategy, released September 2002. The NSS can be found at (www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/nss.html)

      Back on the PNAC web site's home page, CLICK on the link for "Defense and National Security". There it is, the 800 pound gorilla, "Rebuilding America's Defenses: Strategies, Forces and Resources for a New Century". (Actually, it's only 90 pages, 75 or so of text.) Download and read at your pleasure. (But not as bedtime reading--I fear for your dreams.)

      If you first open a letter by Donald Kagan, the PNAC project's co-chairman, which refutes the article by Bookman, then you should read the entirety of Bookman's article and also the follow up he did in reply to Kagan. For the sake of prematurely ending the discussion, Kagan omitted that from the PNAC site. Or you can discover how dissembling Kagan is by reading the introduction to his own report, which contradicts him. I saved the Bookman articles, but see if you can find them with a search on his name at http://www.www.accessatlanta.com/ajc/, the Atlanta Journal-Constitution web site.

Deep background
      In the Harpers' article, Pax Americana is called "The Plan" and the author, David Armstrong, attributes it to Cheney, basing his findings on the reports from the early 90s. (www.harpers.org) I suspect Armstrong filed his piece before the more recent PNAC report came to light, because near the end of his article he is puzzled why Cheney, once back in the saddle again, this time in the White House as VP, appeared to hold off until after 9/11 to resurrect "The Plan". That is when Armstrong saw clear evidence of it bursting to the surface to guide American defense policy. To Armstrong, the pre-9/11 Bush administration appeared to be pursuing a number of "unrelated initiatives" that seemed outside The Plan and did not "add up to a coherent strategy". Such as "missile defense and space-based weaponry, long-standing conservative causes." Among them he lists "abandoning the ABM treaty to pursue missile defense, oppose ratification of an international nuclear-test-ban pact, . . . [the] prospect of ending the self-imposed U.S. moratorium on nuclear testing . . . a hardening of relations with both China and North Korea."

      Sound familiar? It should. All of that, and more, are in the PNAC report. (See the above listing.) This is more evidence that the PNAC report is the missing link between Cheney's Plan and the 2002 White House National Security Strategy report. The PNAC report is nothing less than the updated Plan re-christened Pax Americana. No surprise, then, that it includes "long-standing conservative causes" long standing conservatives wrote it. It even comes with built-in deniability, because it was produced outside the government by a think tank for candidates Cheney and Bush in 2000. Er. . . Bush and Cheney.


      Thanks for taking the time to read this. Please forward to as many people as you can.

--Steve Fine, October 2002

*      *      *
Return to the opening page of the subfolder Discussion of strategy for revolution
Return to the opening page of the Strategy for revolution folder
Return to the homepage of the website

Last update of this page: January 27, 2004